Publicist Andrej Nikolaidis has accused the Speaker of the Parliament of Montenegro, Andrija Mandic, of trying to save Serbian President Aleksandar with his initiative to make Serbian an official language in that country. Vuçiq and the leader of the Bosnian Serbs, Milorad Dodik.
He emphasized in his opinion that it is a matter of time before the EU understands that, especially in the new constellation of powers, its main interest in the Balkans is to break the sacred alliance with the Belgrade dictator and the great Serbian nationalism – when it will understand, that is, that its interest is the rapid entry of Montenegro into the EU, a stable Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a democratized Serbia, which is forced to give up the idea that it can control neighboring states through puppets like Dodik and Mandic.
Full opinion: Why is Andrija Mandić now bringing back the issue of the Serbian language as a main topic, about which, as he says, a broad social dialogue should take place?
Because, as always, he needs ethnic divisions and tensions.
And why does he need tensions right now?
Because Vučić, Dodik and their joint project for the Serbian world are not going well. Vučić is in a kind of balancing act: maybe he will fall, maybe not. But the damage is already done – he is no longer a strong leader. He is too weak to be a Trump player. He can no longer guarantee anything, to anyone. He can no longer move the project forward. Even if he remains in power, thus weakened, his days as ruler of Serbia are numbered – one way or another, this is the beginning of his end. He is no longer a reliable asset. As such, he will be replaced by someone else.
The same applies to Dodik. He has gone too far. Every day that passes in power is simply a postponement of the inevitable – escape to Belgrade, Budapest or Moscow.
This indefinitely delays the process of consolidation and improvement of the Serbian world.
And this is dangerous, because the destructive power of Vučić, Dodik and Mandić still remains great. And little is left for them except destruction.
The mass protests in Serbia somehow seem like a breath of the past: they are completely out of the spirit of the new times, out of the Zeitgeist that is decisively shaping the fascist international.
Students in Serbia are, in essence, fighting for a liberal-democratic state – a clear separation of powers into three independent branches that check each other, and for the rule of law. They are doing this at a time when the Trump administration and the hounds of the fascist international are carrying out a frontal assault on every democratic value. Students are fighting against an authoritarian leader in a time of authoritarian leaders.
While dictators around the world are getting stronger, the one in Serbia is getting weaker, which is a direct consequence of the student protests. Which have no support from either the EU or the US. And that is precisely why they are so powerful and destructive for Vučić: because they are not a construct, they are not financed from abroad, but are an evolutionary defensive reaction of Serbian society to his insane criminal rule.
However, it is only a matter of time before the EU realizes that, especially in the new constellation of powers, its main interest in the Balkans is to break the sacred alliance with the Belgrade dictator and the great Serbian nationalism – when it will understand, that is, that its interest is the rapid entry of Montenegro into the EU, a stable Bosnia and Herzegovina, and a democratized Serbia, which is forced to give up the idea that it can control neighboring states through puppets like Dodik and Mandic.
The dangerous crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is practically on the brink of a new war, is a direct consequence of the less erroneous, more premature interpretation of the new policy of the American empire by Dodik and Vučić.
On the one hand, it is clear that Vučić is trying to stay in power by opening a crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina and then calling on the citizens of Serbia for unity in defense of Serbs in Bosnia and defending the existence of the Republika Srpska entity – of course, under his leadership. When national interests are at stake, who has time to deal with democracy? Then it is time for the nation to unite around an authoritarian leader. This is Vučić’s plan. There is no doubt that Vučić will include here the fight for discriminated compatriots in Montenegro. With his initiative to make Serbian the official language, Mandic has given Vučić an assist.
Milorad Dodik, the leader of the Bosnian Serbs, on the other hand, has assessed that now is the moment to complete the process of RS’s secession from Bosnia and Herzegovina – for which he has been working for more than a decade.
Since the end of the war in Bosnia, it was clear that the conflict had not been stopped, but paused. It was clear that Republika Srpska would attempt to secede from Bosnia and join Serbia at the first opportunity when geopolitical circumstances were deemed favorable.
Now is that moment. The empire is abandoning its old policies, including those in our region. It is abandoning old allies and seeking new ones. Dodik saw this as an opportunity. Moreover, he could not wait any longer, as he was sentenced to one year in prison and a ban on political activity in the court of Bosnia and Herzegovina for his separatist decisions.
He responded by imposing laws that take his territory – RS – outside the Bosnian legal system, so that court decisions in Sarajevo would no longer have effect there. To avoid arrest, he stopped the functioning of the state police and intelligence services in his entity.
With that, the secession is practically complete: all that remains is to take control of the borders and declare independence – which could be completed in a single night.
And meanwhile, Montenegro is in deep sleep.